Tuesday, February 28, 2012

Obama job approval 2/26

These are the President's current job approval numbers from PPP (Dkos/SEIU).
Independents are breaking even, with a relatively small 8% "Not Sure". 
And yet, the Republican party seems to be betting everything on Obama's unpopularity.

Do you approve or disapprove of Barack Obama’s job performance?

 Approve  Disapprove  Not sure
All         48             48             4
Women         54             41             5
Men         41             56             3
Democrat         85             12             3
Republican         8             89             2
Independent/Other         46             46             8






Rising gas prices not a winning issue for Republicans

This week's DKos/SEIU poll was released. The pollster is PPP (1000 RV, MoE ±3.1%, 2/23 - 2/26). 

Republicans have been hoping that higher gas prices will affect Obama's job approval negatively. The results of this poll, however, strongly indicate that the public blames Congress much more for this situation. Even worse, among those who blame Congress, Republicans get most of the blame from a wide variety of demographics.

On this question: 

Who do you think has more responsibility for the current price of gas: Congress or President Obama?

46% (a plurality) say Congress has more responsibility for higher gas prices, compared to only 28% who say that Obama does. That's among all registered voters nationally. Let's dig down into those numbers:
  • A plurality of both men and women pin the blame on Congress; 41% and 50% respectively.
  • 45% (a plurality) of Independent voters blame Congress, while only 21% blame the President.
  • 56% of moderates (a majority) blame Congress; 16% blame Obama.
  • Hispanics say Congress is more responsible for gas prices: 49% compared to 22% blaming Obama.
  • A plurality of all four regions (South, West, Midwest, Northeast) name Congress as the one with the most influence over gas prices.
  • White voters name Congress - 40% - compared to 34% who name the President.
The only demographics who blame the President more than Congress are the ones pushing the narrative: Republicans, Tea Party members, and conservatives. In other words, this whole thing doesn't draw any new voters. It only sounds convincing to the core of the Republican base. 

So, Congress is seen by roughly half of the nation's voters as being more responsible for gas prices. It must be those Democrats in Congress who get the blame, then. Right? 
Wrong

On this question:

(Follow-up to those who pick Congress:) Do you think the Democrats or Republicans in Congress have more responsibility for the current price of gas?

A majority (of the 46% who blame Congress for higher gas prices) blame the Republicans.

51% of the nation's registered voters (who assign blame to Congress) say that the Republicans are the ones with responsibility for gas prices.

Democrats  Republicans  Both equally  Not sure
All      16        51         28        4
Women      13        56         26        5
Men      21        45         31        3
Democrat      3        65         27        5
Republican      51        15         29        5
Independent/Other      19        48         31        2  
 Even 36% of conservatives blame the Republicans, compared to 39% who blame the Democrats.

A plurality of every age group blames the Republicans, as does all four regions. A plurality of every income demographic blames the Republicans, as do whites and Hispanics.

It looks as if the Republicans would be the biggest victims of this narrative.

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Pollster ratings from fivethirtyeight.com, based on 2010 elections:


  
 



Muhlenberg: Obama comfortably ahead in PA

Yet another pollster finds Pennsylvania to be going Obama's direction. Muhlenberg (625 RV, ±4% MoE, 2/15 - 2/21) finds Obama leading Romney leading Romney by 11 (48/37), and Santorum losing to Obama by 8 (49/41). This confirms the Franklin and Marshall poll from last week.

For a candidate who is doing better than Romney against the President, the poll shows pretty negative views of Santorum. His "favourables" (Q4) are negative (39/49), first of all. But, specifically:
"Q13: Rick Santorum shares most of the same values and beliefs that I have."
 40% strongly disagree with that statement (a plurality), with an additional 11% "somewhat" disagreeing.
"Q14: Rick Santorum can beat President Obama in the presidential election."
45% strongly disagree with that statement (a plurality), and an additional 14% somewhat disagree.
 "Q15: Rick Santorum's views on social issues are too extreme for him to be president."
36% strongly agree (a plurality), with another 15% somewhat agreeing.
"Q18: My opinions of Rick Santorum have changed since his days representing Pennsylvania in Congress."
37% strongly disagree (a plurality), with another 21% somewhat disagreeing.
"Q20: Rick Santorum's positions on contraceptives are similar to my views in this matter."
44% strongly disagree with that statement (a plurality), and an additional 10% somewhat disagree.

In every one of these questions, Santorum is in the minority among registered voters in PA. And this guy is doing three points better than Romney in a match-up with Obama.

Remember, PA is a crucial State in electoral votes. If Obama wins there, he pretty much wins the election.

As mentioned, another pollster found Obama ahead by eight points over Romney and Santorum. Back in November, PPP showed a tie with Romney and a five-point lead over Santorum in match-ups with the President. The momentum doesn't seem to be on the side of the Republicans.

Ras Trax 2/27: Paul leads, nation laughs

Rasmussen's daily tracker has gone wacky. In contrast to several other recent polls, Rasmussen has somehow been finding a whole lot of Republicans out there. Or, possibly, Rasmussen is trying to say that many Republicans have switched from voting for Obama to voting for one of the Republican candidates. Or, more likely, Rasmussen is just making it up as he goes along.

Make a note of this tracker result, because it shows just what a joke Rasmussen is. Four days ago, Obama was leading Santorum by 7 and Romney by 10. Now, for some mysterious reason, Romney leads by 2 and Ron Paul also leads by 2 in match-ups with Obama.
For the first time since late December 2011, Mitt Romney leads the president in a hypothetical 2012 matchup. Romney earns 45% of the vote, while the president attracts support from 43%. Romney holds a nine-point advantage among unaffiliated voters.
For the first time ever, Texas Congressman Ron Paul also leads the president. In that matchup, 43% prefer Paul and 41% Obama. Ten percent (10%) would vote for some other option, a figure that includes 17% of Republicans.
If former Senator Rick Santorum is the Republican nominee, the president leads by two, 45% to 43%. With former House Speaker Newt Gingrich as his opponent, the president enjoys a 10-point lead, 49% to 39%.
Let's see how long this phenomenon lasts. Scotty is going to end up looking pretty silly trying to walk his way back from this. National polls simply don't swing 12 points over the course of four days - at least not the kind of polls that anyone takes seriously.

Saturday, February 25, 2012

Charlie Cook has a few doubts

Noted political analyst Charlie Cook took a cautionary tone in his latest National Journal column:
But now I wonder whether the economy will drive this election to the usual extent—or to the extent I had thought. More specifically, will the Republican Party nominate a candidate who can credibly compete for the independent voters whose support is so important in general elections? 

Independents represented 29 percent of the electorate in 2008. In last year's combined Gallup polls, though, they were 40 percent—a record high. In 2000, Republican George W. Bush won the independent vote by 2 percentage points over Democrat Al Gore but narrowly lost the overall popular vote. In 2004, Democrat John Kerry actually carried independents by 1 point but lost the national popular vote by 3 points. The winner of the independent vote doesn’t necessarily win the general election. But a candidate has to be very competitive among independents to have a chance to win. In 2008, the GOP’s John McCain lost the independent vote by 8 percentage points and the election by 7 points.
Both Republican candidates are concentrating on winning the Republican base right now. That's what candidates do in a primary campaign, of course. But the danger is that the Party is being locked into positions and rhetoric that could be highly damaging to voters outside of the reliable Republican base in a general election.

Cook is one of those analysts who seems to default to favouring Republicans. When he starts expressing doubts, people on the Right usually listen. It will be interesting to see the reaction among conservatives to these remarks: 
Simply put, the passion and energy of the Republican Party today may well fail to produce a nominee with a decent chance of winning in November. My assumption was that Romney would be the nominee and would make a good run. Now, I have begun to doubt both propositions. His odds of winning the nomination are growing longer. And even if he does, he has twisted and turned himself into a human pretzel. I’m not sure how electable he is. The alternatives, however, seem even less so.
 So, yeah, keep pushing "social conservative" issues. Keep making crazy statements and spinning scary scenarios that everyone outside of the base just rolls their eyes at. Keep telling us that the President is a Muslim who is Constitutionally unfit for office, and who is at war with (your narrow version of) Christianity. Above all, continue with your arrogant assumption that Obama is a hated figure that only a tiny minority of "far Left" die-hards would vote for. You Republicans have been telling the country that conservatives are the majority, and that the more conservative a candidate is, the more likely they are to win. While you're at it, maybe bring out Sarah Palin a lot more often. Everyone loves her and listens to what she has to say, right?

PPP: Obama tied in AZ

PPP just released a poll (743 RV, MoE ±3.6%, 2/17 - 2/19) of Arizona that shows Obama tied with Romney, and behind Santorum by only a single point.

                         PresidentGraph

Romney led the president by seven points (49-42) when PPP last polled the state in November. His personal image continues to take a hit as the primary battle wages on. 56% of Arizonans see him unfavorably and only 35% favorably; previously, it was 51-38. Santorum was not tested then, but he stands at 39-52 now.
Arizona is another "must win" State for the Republican Party, with 11 EV. Missouri (10 EV) was also recently polled by PPP as a toss-up, and it is also a "must win" State. While it's unlikely that Obama would actually carry these two States, Republicans will be forced to compete for them and cannot afford to alienate voters outside of their base.

The highlights of this poll are as follows: 
  • Romney has lousy "favourables" with moderates, breaking a negative 28/60. Not surprisingly, he loses moderates 63/32 in a match-up with Obama. A Santorum match-up produces a similar gap: 64/26. 
  • Romney washes out in the gender gap in a match-up with Obama. He loses women by 6, and wins men by 7. 
  • Obama prevails with Independent voters in a match-up with both Romney and Santorum. Romney loses this group by 14 (52/38), and Santorum also by 14 (53/39). Keep running with those "social conservative" issues, GOP! 
  • Romney loses Hispanic voters by 31% (64/33) in a match-up, and scores only a bare majority of white voters (51/42). Santorum does only marginally better in both categories. 
  • Obama wins a majority of voters under the age of 45 in a match-up with either Romney or Santorum. Either Republican only wins a majority with voters over 65 in age. This does not bode well for Arizona's future "red State" status. 
PPP's Tom Jensen sums up these results: 
In the end I doubt Obama would be able to beat Romney in Arizona. He's getting 16% of the Republican vote right now and that seems unlikely to hold once the GOP gets unified around its nominee. But the fact that we're even talking about Arizona as potentially being on the board right now is a big a shift from where we were a couple months ago.

PPP: "Obama up big in Washington"

The latest PPP survey in Washington State (1264 RV, MoE ±2.76%, 2/16 - 2/19) shows Obama taking at least an eight-point lead.
PPP's newest Washington numbers find Barack Obama with an approval rating over 50% in the state and double digit leads over all of his potential Republican opponents. 51% of voters think he's doing a good job to 45% who give him poor marks. He's on positive ground largely because there are twice as many Republicans (12%) who approve of him as there are Democrats (6%) who disapprove.
PresidentGraphWhat might be most interesting about the Washington numbers is how Mitt Romney stacks up against Obama compared to the other Republican candidates. Long perceived as the most electable GOP hopeful, Romney fares only the third best in Washington with both Rick Santorum and Ron Paul coming a few points closer to Obama.

WA has 12 EV, and has been assumed safe for the Democrats at the Presidential level based on previous polling.

PPP also found the Senate incumbent, Maria Cantwell, to be reasonably popular (47/38), and showing strong leads over her (nearly unknown) Republican contenders. 
47% of Washington voters approve of the job Cantwell's doing to 38% who disapprove. To put those numbers into some context, our first Washington Senate poll of 2010 found Patty Murray with a 46/45 approval spread. So Cantwell's net approval is 8 points better and Murray of course went on to be reelected by 5 points in what was an otherwise dreadful election year for Democrats.
Baumgartner and Bryant are complete unknowns to voters in the state. Only 22% have heard enough about Baumgartner to have an opinion about him and for Bryant that figure declines to 15%. Because of the obscurity of the candidates there are far more undecideds Republicans than Democrats in their match ups with Cantwell. That means the race will most likely get a little bit closer once the GOP unifies around a nominee and that person becomes better known, but probably not enough to actually make this a competitive race. 
 In the Presidential match-ups, the highlights are as follows: 
  • Ron Paul loses the State to Obama by 13%. He loses moderates by 31% to Obama, loses women by 24%, and loses Independent voters by 2 points. He loses the youth vote by 5%, and the elderly vote by nine. 
  • Santorum is toxic to young voters in WA. The 18-29 age demographic falls to Obama by 29 points. Even the 65+ demographic narrowly breaks for Obama 49/45. 
  • Obama has a positive 59/34 approval with WA moderates, while Romney is deeply negative at 21/68. 
  • Obama manages to pick up 17% of voters who describe themselves as "somewhat conservative" in match-ups with both Santorum and Romney. 
  • The gender gap continues to be an issue. Obama wins women by 21% over Romney. Actually Obama manages to lead with men by 7 points, for that matter. 
  • Independent voters break in Obama's favour by 7 points over Romney. 
  • Romney loses white voters by 13 points, and the 65+ age group by eight points.
Last, PPP's Tom Jensen provides this interesting insight:
The other thing Washington does is provide more evidence that the 2012 electoral landscape will be more similar to 2008 than 2000 or 2004. In the last 2 months PPP has polled 4 states that Al Gore won by 5 points or less in 2000 that Barack Obama went on to win by double digits in 2008. In all 4 of those states Obama is again headed for a double digit victory...they are not reverting to their 2000/2004 competitiveness

Ras Trax 2/24: it COULD be a tie!

Rasmussen gives Obama a three-point lead in a poll that has 3% MoE (margin of error). This fits in with the current framing of the race from conservatives: "It looks like we're losing, but it could be a tie!".
In a potential Election 2012 matchups, the president leads Mitt Romney 46% to 43%. If Rick Santorum is the Republican nominee, the president leads 47% to 42%.
In any case, it appears that Rasmussen is abandoning the idea that Santorum could beat Obama. After posting his ridiculous tracker that claimed Santorum was one point ahead of Obama, apparently "things changed". This odd little shift only 'coincidentally' occurred at a time when conservatives were casting about for an alternative to Romney. 

As I've said before, Rasmussen's daily tracker seems to be 'tracking' the shifting Republican narrative rather than any kind of general electorate opinion.

Rasmussen: PA is a virtual tie

In contrast with another poll, Rasmussen finds the State of Pennsylvania to be a virtual tie (O +1) in a match-up between Obama and Romney:
Mitt Romney runs neck-and-neck with President Obama in the key electoral state of Pennsylvania, but Rick Santorum, a former U.S. senator from the Keystone State, trails the incumbent by six points. Most voters in the state disapprove of the job the president is doing. 

New Rasmussen Reports data shows that if Romney is the Republican presidential nominee, Obama leads 45% to 44%.
This Pennsylvania survey of 438 Likely Voters was conducted February 8-23, 2012 by Rasmussen Reports. The margin of sampling error is +/- 4.5 percentage points with a 95% level of confidence.
The very recent Franklin and Marshall poll of PA (592 RV, ±4.0%, 2/14 - 2/20) showed Obama ahead by eight points against both Romney and Santorum. 
Romney (41/33) 
Santorum (45/37)

The absence of Rasmussen's weasel-wording regarding "undecideds" and those who "prefer some other candidate" is revealing in this current poll. If Obama is ahead in a swing state, Rasmussen feels compelled to point out that it could be a tie - providing that everything goes in the Republicans' favour. 

For a conservative narrative that seems to rely heavily on the idea that "anybody" could beat Obama, conservatives seem oddly eager right now to simply settle for a tie.

PPP's average of four polls shows basically what Rasmussen found, with the latest poll (11/22/11) showing a 45/45 tie with Romney. 

If PPP is - as conservatives love to assert - some kind of unreliable, far-Left, propaganda machine, isn't it interesting that their numbers correlate to Rasmussen's? And isn't it also interesting that PPP can obtain such similar numbers without the use of a highly-secret "likely voter" screen?

The Republicans must win PA just to stay alive. If Obama wins it, he will almost certainly gain enough electoral votes to win re-election. In fact, he would gain enough EV to compensate for losing Iowa. Yet, this crucial State is a virtual toss-up - or could possibly already be in Obama's favour, depending on the pollster.

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Pollster ratings from fivethirtyeight.com, based on 2010 elections: 

  
 

Friday, February 24, 2012

Rasmussen polls MT for some reason

Of all the States to poll, Rasmussen has now chosen Montana. Obama is down by 7% to Romney,  and behind by four to Santorum.
The latest Rasmussen Reports statewide survey of Likely Voters in Montana shows former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney leading the president 48% to 41%. Seven percent (7%) prefer some other candidate in the race, while four percent (4%) are undecided. (To see survey question wording, click here.)
Former Pennsylvania Senator Rick Santorum picks up 45% of the vote to Obama’s 41%. Nine percent (9%) prefer some other candidate, and four percent (4%) remain undecided.
The survey of 500 Likely Voters in Montana was conducted on February 22, 2012 by Rasmussen Reports. The margin of sampling error is +/- 4.5 percentage points with a 95% level of confidence.
 Montana has only 3 electoral votes (EV). While Obama only lost the State by 3% in 2008, PPP polled MT in 2011 and found that it's not competitive any more. It's hardly a "must win" State for either Party. 

It's interesting that the usual conservative whinge isn't applied here. If one added the "undecideds" and the MoE, Obama could potentially tie or win. This would be desperate spin, of course, but that's essentially what conservatives are saying about the polling in PA and VA.

Ras Trax 2/23, Obama leads in VA and PA

Rasmussen gives Obama another eight-point lead over Santorum, and ten points over Romney nationally.
In a potential Election 2012 matchups, the president leads Rick Santorum 48% to 41%. If Mitt Romney is the Republican nominee, the president leads 49% to 39%.
And Rasmussen tries to spin down the lead for Obama in Virginia:
The latest Rasmussen Reports statewide telephone survey of Likely Virginia Voters shows Obama drawing 49% support to Romney's 43%. Five percent (5%) prefer some other candidate in the race, while three percent (3%) are undecided. (To see survey question wording, click here.)
 
With Santorum as the Republican nominee, Obama holds a 51% to 43% lead. Five percent (5%) like some other candidate, and two percent (2%) are undecided.

The survey of 500 Likely Voters in Virginia was conducted on February 21, 2012 by Rasmussen Reports. The margin of sampling error is +/- 4.5 percentage points with a 95% level of confidence.
 That would be a 6% lead over Romney, and Rasmussen is already pointing out the number of "undecideds" as an indication that the race is still kind of even. VA is one of the States that has enough EVs to put Obama over 270 (which means he wins) according to the current polling. It's a "must win" State for Republicans, and this idea that Obama's unpopularity will swing undecided voters is odd for a President who is already taking a slim majority of "likely voters".

Also, Franklin and Marshall polled PA (592 RV, ±4.0%, 2/14 - 2/20), and tried to spin down Obama's lead there:
President Obama continues to lead all of his potential Republican challengers
in Pennsylvania. Mitt Romney and Rick Santorum are the President’s strongest challengers at the moment, but both trail President Obama by about eight points.
The president’s lead over Rick Santorum is smaller than it was in January. Newt Gingrich and Ron Paul both trail the president by double digits. President Obama’s job performance and hard re-elect ratings show slight improvements in the state since January.
 Obama has gained 5 points of support since 8/11, and the number of those who "Don't Know" has dropped by 9% since then. Romney has gained 3% in that period. And this is when Obama hasn't even started campaigning yet. It comes down to 41 / 33 / 18 against Romney.

Santorum would seem to be familiar to voters in PA, yet 20% responded "Don't Know" back in 8/11 in a match-up with Obama and Santorum. Obama lead by 6 points back then. 

In these current numbers, there's a big drop in those "undecideds" down to 12%. Both have gained 6%. As Santorum has risen on the national scene, one has to wonder if maybe this is his ceiling in the State. And now Obama has a nice margin of eight points in a key State: 45 / 37 / 12 against Santorum.

PA is another one of those "must win" States for Republicans. If Obama wins Pennsylvania, he basically is ensured re-election. Republicans are left to rely on "undecideds" and the margin of error in a crucial race.

Thursday, February 23, 2012

Marist poll confirms PPP Michigan survey

A new NBC/Marist poll of Michigan (1546 RV, ±2.5% MoE, 2/19 - 2/20) shows strong leads for Obama over the Republican candidates. This confirms what PPP found less than two weeks earlier. 

Here are some of the highlights from the NBC/Marist poll: 
  • In a match-up with Romney, Obama prevails by 18 points (51 / 33 / 15). Notice that this margin is larger than the percentage of "undecideds" plus the MoE.
  • Independents break in Obama's favour by nine (43 / 34 / 23) against Romney.
  • Obama wins white voters narrowly by 4%, and voters over the age of 60 by 22%, in a Romney match-up.
  • The presidential job approval breaks 51 / 38 / 11. Whites break even 43 / 44. 
  • Paul loses to Obama by 22% in a match-up. 
  • A Santorum/Obama match-up results in Obama winning by 26%, with white voters going for Obama by 14%, and the 60+ age demographic falling Obama's way by 27%. 
  • In the Republican primary, Santorum wins 48% of the evangelical likely voters.
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Pollster ratings from fivethirtyeight.com, based on 2010 elections:


 

 

Gallup: Republican candidates are more unpopular than Obama

An interesting survey release from Gallup today: "Obama's Favorable Rating Higher Than GOP Candidates".

These ratings are from a Feb. 16-19 USA Today/Gallup poll and reflect a political landscape in which no more than half of Americans give any of these presidential contenders a positive rating.
 We often hear (e.g. Selzer) that Obama has lower favourable ratings than other Presidents at this stage of the election cycle. It's interesting to see that this year's Republican candidates are also much more unpopular than other years:
GOP Contenders Less Favorably Positioned Than in Previous Elections
This year's Republican presidential campaign has unfolded in a different fashion than previous years in which non-incumbent Republicans have run for their party's nomination. By February 2008 and February 2000, for example, the eventual GOP nominee was pretty well known. This year, the nominee won't be settled until after February. Perhaps as a result of these different timelines, none of the four Republican presidential contenders currently has an image as positive as those of previous non-incumbent GOP candidates in February of the election year. John McCain's national favorable rating was 56% in February 2008, George W. Bush's was 58% in 2000, and Bob Dole's was 49% in 1996.
Historical Favorability of Republican Presidential Candidates

The current Republican candidates are, at best, 17 points below the last Republican candidate -- who lost.

Sunday, February 19, 2012

Selzer: Obama loses Iowa...really

A shocking new poll from top-rated pollster Selzer & Co. shows President Obama losing Iowa

The poll (611 LV, MoE ±4%, 2/12 - 2/15) shows Ron Paul in the lead. Yes, Ron Paul. 

I have a very hard time believing this poll, though Selzer is a pollster with a good track record. Let's look at the results:
Paul / Obama:  49/42 
Santorum / Obama:  48/44 
Romney / Obama:  46/44 
The poll points to Obama's negative approval rating of 46/48 as some kind of supporting evidence. That's pretty much in line with the national numbers, though, and nobody is putting Obama that far back in the national match-ups. Certainly, no one else is showing Paul with any kind of lead anywhere, however slender. I also think that the author's description of Iowa as a "swing state" that is "critical to Obama’s re-election" is quite an over-statement.
No president has been re-elected with a national approval rating under 49 percent, according to Gallup polling dating to 1964. It’s a watershed mark, and about 8½ months from the election, Gallup national polling Saturday had Obama at 46 percent — underwater.
The Hawkeye State has been awash in GOP messages, and, perhaps as a consequence, it’s in a Republican mood.
We have over a year's worth of PPP polling, both nationally and in multiple States, showing remarkably contrary results to Selzer's poll. Pew Research just put Obama eight points ahead of Romney nationally. Even Rasmussen is regularly showing Obama with leads of anywhere from 4 to 8 points. Fox news showed Obama with a five-point lead over Romney

What really stands out here is Ann Selzer's pointed insistence that Gallup's favourabilty numbers for Obama are below 49% - which means that Obama loses, in her mind. Further, she points to the large amount of campaign ads from the Republican caucus as a major factor in her position that Obama will lose. So she isn't even pretending that this is some kind of recent development. The Iowa caucus occurred over a month before she took her survey. Selzer is essentially contending that Iowa has gone from a nearly 10-point lead for Obama to becoming a red State in just four years. And she is finding an enormous rise in voters breaking for Paul, though Paul lost the Republican caucus -- third place.

Selzer's reliance on right track / wrong track results is also questionable. Other pollsters have indicated that these lousy figures are more of a reflection of dissatisfaction with the Republican obstructionism and wingnut posing than an indictment of Obama.

On top of that, Selzer seems to be strongly implying here that Obama will lose nationally. What else can be made from her historical comparison and the importance of Gallup's magical 49% mark?

Rasmussen showed Florida breaking 47/43 in Obama's favour. Did FL not see an enormous amount of Republican campaign ads in their Republican primary? This survey also was a sample of "likely voters", so Selzer can't hide behind that. If Gallup's favourables are such a determining factor, wouldn't Florida be showing up as a sold red State? It didn't break in Obama's favour by almost ten points in 2008, like Iowa did. It broke 51/49 in Obama's favour.

There's also Ohio. Nobody is showing Republicans with a huge lead in that true "swing State", and Gallup is still below 49% for Obama in job approval. Virginia is a State that went for Obama by 6 points in 2008, and Quinnipiac showed Obama with a 4-point lead over Romney in February. But Gallup is under 49%! How can this be, if Gallup's 49% mark is so absolutely reliable of an indicator?

Nothing about her narrative is supported by any polling other than her own single poll. This idea of hers that Obama's job approval is the key is fatally flawed, because Republicans are viewed even less favourably than the President is. Even the "very favorable" and "mostly favorable" numbers that she published don't show a huge advantage for Republicans. Obama's "very favorable" 19% beats all of the Republicans except Santorum, which is a tie. Obama's "mostly favorable" figure of 27% is not substantially different from the other candidates' 30-32%.

Instead, Selzer finds Republican candidates are simply not hated as much as Obama in Iowa. Her entire narrative seems to be built on disliked Republican candidates getting more votes than an even more-disliked Obama.

And she is selling a narrative. The entire article reads like a Republican campaign ad. Her tone is one that presents this narrative as something completely obvious, rather than as a pollster publishing outlier numbers that many would be inclined to be sceptical of. I was almost surprised to find an absence of polling on Obama's birth certificate; it would have fitted right in.

Ann Selzer is sticking her neck out in a big way here. She is seeing an electorate that is far, far more concerned about "fiscal issues" than any other pollster. Maybe she is using a flaky "likely voter" screen that excludes Democrats. I consider it highly doubtful that Iowa is some kind of unique island of public opinion where Ron Paul is seen nearly a dozen points higher than in similar States. That means that, if Selzer is correct, we should see this dramatic flip in many other States. But we aren't.

Minnesota, for example, is Iowa's next-door neighbour. Odd, then, that two pollsters have found Obama comfortably ahead in three polls. Minnesota just went through a Republican caucus campaign, and SUSA didn't find this very strange dramatic shift to the Right.

The 2012 election could be the one that makes Selzer the laughing-stock of the polling world, much like Rasmussen in 2010. Rasmussen also saw a much more "fiscal issue" election and a much stronger Tea Party influence than other pollsters. He ended up with an 8-point bias in the Republican direction. 

Selzer has set up a narrative (importance of Gallup favourables, predominance of fiscal issues, Paul cross-over support, rage over the economy, etc.) that runs directly contrary to all other pollsters. She has also boxed herself in to an incredibly tight corner, because her narrative allows no "things changed" moments. The economy will not dramatically improve by the election. The country will still have staggering debt. Republicans will still be running campaign ads criticising the President. Gas prices will still be high. Obama will probably not be above 49% in Gallup's polling. Yet, these are the things she has staked her unique narrative on. If Iowa doesn't go "red" in November, Selzer is left looking like a fool. She can't even hide behind the margin of error, except in the case of Romney, and even then only in a close race.

For contrast, let's look at PPP's Iowa poll in October. 
“Obama’s unpopular in Iowa but he appears to be in position to win the state next year anyway,” said Dean Debnam, President of Public Policy Polling. “Extended exposure to the Republican field of candidates doesn’t seem to have Democrats and independents in Iowa pining to vote for the GOP next fall.
PPP surveyed 749 Iowa voters from October 7th to 10th. The margin of error for the survey is +/-3.6%.
                              PresidentGraph
 Q1 Do you approve or disapprove of President
Barack Obama’s job performance?
Approve .......................................................... 43%
Disapprove...................................................... 52%
Not sure .......................................................... 5%

Q7 Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion
of Mitt Romney?
Favorable........................................................ 34%
Unfavorable .................................................... 52%
Not sure .......................................................... 15%

Q11 If the candidates for President next year were
Democrat Barack Obama and Republican Ron
Paul, who would you vote for?
Barack Obama................................................ 47%
Ron Paul ......................................................... 40%
Undecided....................................................... 13%

Q13 If the candidates for President next year were
Democrat Barack Obama and Republican Mitt
Romney, who would you vote for?
Barack Obama................................................ 46%
Mitt Romney.................................................... 42%
Undecided....................................................... 12%

Q14 Who did you vote for President in 2008?
John McCain................................................... 41%
Barack Obama................................................ 48%
Someone Else/Don't Remember..................... 11%

Q5 Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion
of Ron Paul?
Favorable........................................................ 27%
Unfavorable .................................................... 55%
Not sure .......................................................... 19%
  • PPP shows a lower job approval rating than Gallup did at the time. Yet Obama prevails by four points over Romney, and beats Paul by seven.
  • PPP's sample shows a more Republican lean than in the actual 2008 election results, with McCain polling about 3 points better than he actually did. Any idea that the sample was skewed pro-Democrat should be dismissed by that fact.
  • No big support for Paul was noted. In fact, Paul was underwater 2-1. Weird, huh?
  • Gosh, Romney is even less popular than the 'despised' Obama. Go figure.
  • PPP didn't find this weird phenomena of Republican campaign ads turning Iowa into a "red" State.
  • Paul showed about the same "cross-over support" as most of the other Republican candidates.
Okay, a four-point lead for Obama isn't some kind solid edge, but it's pretty different than what Selzer is seeing. Both polls are land-line-only. Is Selzer really going to point to her "likely voter" screen as the defining difference?

I'm strongly inclined to think that Selzer is way off base here. She seems to have "gone wingnut", or perhaps seeks to get more business polling for Republicans. It's hard to see this as something other than an ideologically-motivated push-back on the mass of polls showing Obama doing well, but she is kind of restricted to pushing back in Iowa. She has put her reputation on the line, and embraced a faded 2010-style mindset that really no longer seems relevant. She seems to have tapped into a wacky sample, but failed to have the sense to evaluate it.


I will definitely follow up on this as more polling is done of Iowa, and I expect to be merciless on Selzer in November if these numbers of hers aren't backed up by the election results. 


How can she get out of this corner she has painted herself into? 

If Ron Paul isn't on the ballot, she can claim that her voters were dis-enchanted or discouraged. But this is a sample of likely voters. Either they are likely to vote, or they aren't. Either way, she would have a hard time trying to sell the idea that a whole lot of Ron Paul voters went over to Obama. Because he's so disliked in these survey results. And because everything else (Gallup, right/wrong track, debt, etc.) will still be there.


If it's a real close race (like a recount) and Santorum is the candidate, she can claim margin of error. This would sound a bit pathetic coming from someone with Selzer's reputation, though. Even a narrow two-point victory for Obama would discredit her.


If Romney is the candidate, and Obama wins by any more than two points, she will look stupid and biased. People will point to this poll for the next eight years whenever her name comes up. 


The big problem for Selzer in November will be this wingnut narrative she has presented as obvious and self-evident. As I've said, all of these things that she points to now will very likely still be there in November. Even if Obama loses Iowa, but wins nationally, Selzer will look like a fool because of this narrative that sounds like Gingrich on a bender. As goes the Republican Party, so goes Selzer.

Saturday, February 18, 2012

China border troubles continue

China has been making recent public remarks about the state of negotiations with India over the disputed border.
From The Hindu:
A month after India and China held the fifteenth round of border talks, a commentary in a Chinese newspaper has questioned India's claims on Kashmir and asserted that the only dispute was over the status of Arunachal Pradesh.
An article in the Communist Party-run Jiefang Daily, or Liberation Daily newspaper said the disputed western section of the border — including the Aksai Chin region which is now under China's control — was not part of the dispute, underscoring how far apart both countries' positions remained even after 15 rounds of negotiations.
The commentary said: “The Indian side believes that the border dispute between China and India covers not only the eastern region of 90,000 sq km but also the western region of 30,000 sq km and the western region is India's too. This wrong argument, which totally disregards the history, still has supporters in India.
The article, written by an India scholar in the Shanghai Institute of International Studies, Wu Yongnian, was the first Chinese reaction to last month's border talks, and it underscored a hardening in China's position over the western section over recent years, analysts and officials said.
In New Delhi last month, National Security Adviser Shivshankar Menon and Chinese State Councillor Dai Bingguo, the two Special Representatives, discussed a framework for the settlement of disputes in all three sectors — western, middle and eastern. This was in keeping with the 2005 agreement on Political Parameters and Guiding Principles, which marked the ending of the first of three stages of negotiations.
According to Article III of the agreement, the boundary settlement would be “final, covering all sectors of the India-China boundary.”
 China appears to want to split up the various border disputes, and the talks are not going well, despite public shows of optimism.

The Times of India quotes China Daily:
"The first issue is the China-India border negotiation. China and India have held 15 meetings of special representatives for the border issue.
"Although the meetings have made many positive achievements, it is still far away from reaching a fair, just and reasonable agreement," the write up in the opinion page said.
The main barrier still comes from the Indian side as Indian media insist that the border line between China and India should be based on the " McMahon Line" left by British colonists, it said also India believes that the border dispute between the two countries covers not only the eastern region of 90,000 square km but also 30,000 sq km in the western region.
"This wrong argument, which totally disregards the history, still has supporters in India," it said.
Yet another reason that delaying the agreement was India's multi-party political system as well its society which is extremely complicated, it said.
"Various Indian political parties have different understandings on the China-India border issue, and therefore, it is hard for them to reach an agreement on the issue," it said.
It seems obvious that, in a democracy such as India, you are not going to have the consensus of opinion that you find in China.
 China has made 'concessions' with Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan in border talks previously. But there seems to be a pattern of China making huge (and unreasonable) demands, while settling for far less:
In the 1990s, China began negotiating settlements with these countries. Border agreements with Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan were reached in 1996 and 1998 respectively. Border talks with Tajikistan were delayed by the civil war there. However, talks gathered momentum in the late 1990s and an agreement was reached in 2002. It was this agreement that was ratified recently.

Analysts have drawn attention to the territorial concessions that China extended to resolve its many disputes. Of its 23 territorial disputes active since 1949, China offered "substantial compromises" in 17, usually agreeing "to accept less than half of the territory being disputed," M Taylor Fravel, associate professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, pointed out in the article "Regime Insecurity and International Cooperation: Explaining China's Compromises in Territorial Disputes," published in the journal International Security.

However, there is more to it than meets the eye. The territorial concessions that China is believed to have made are not quite as substantial as they appear to be. Srikanth Kondapalli, a China expert at the Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi pointed out that China's strategy of stepping up territorial claims and then settling for less has enabled it to appear to be making a major territorial concession to reach a border resolution agreement. In several disputes, "whether China actually gave up territory or made a substantial concession is a debatable question," he told Asia Times Online.
 Chinese media has built up an anti-Indian sentiment, and the media is completely State-controlled. I outlined some of this in a previous post. Much of it is jingoistic, inclined toward "teaching India a lesson". 

India, for its part, has also stirred up resentments in the media over the border conflict.
The shame of a lost border war left a long tradition of anti-Chinese slant in Indian newspapers, to the point where it doesn’t even seem like an aberration. But for some years now, the tone of a large section of the media has turned decidedly strident, a condition the country’s leading Outlook magazine once diagnosed as "Sinositis". Where once the China reportage gave the impression that for some in the media the war never quite ended, now one gets the sense that the infected are, in fact, itching for another round. Brace yourself for more malignant stuff this year, which marks the 50th anniversary of the war.

Many of the China-bashing stories doing the rounds in Indian papers are a mixture of reflexive phobia, envy, anxiety and great-game bluster, with headlines such as Wary of China moves, India, US & Japan plan talks; As China looms, US tells India to lead Asia; etc. Some are products of the occasional public spats on issues such as territorial rights, and are appropriately combative (Manmohan to Wen: Back off on South China Sea). And, when they are not openly hawkish and baying for blood (With China in mind, India tests new-generation Agni missile with high 'kill efficiency', screams a November headline), they are passive aggressive at the minimum, often betraying a degree of inferiority complex. The subheading to another November story headlined East Asia meet to have China tilt read INDIA STAND: Can't check them, will wait and watch. And that's not even an editorial!

Then there are the Chinese "incursions" stories - the most potent, and the fountainhead, of all Sinoscare media motifs in India. These stories, liberally peppered with alarmist words like "aggression", "transgression", "encroachment", and the like, follow a familiar pattern. "Sources", mostly unnamed, tell a paper or a TV channel how Chinese forces have been intruding into Indian territory; a comparison with similar intrusions in previous years establish how the Chinese menace is rising; followed by accounts of Chinese military build-up.
 The "McMahon line" is the only recognised border, and China has acceded to it in the case of Myanmar (its ally). In the cases of India and Bhutan, however, it is considered unreasonable

The Sino-Indian border dispute arose out of the Chinese occupation of Tibet. China's refusal to grant internal autonomy to Tibet has kept the pot boiling in Tibet and the Chinese view Indian asylum to the Dalai Lama with suspicion. This, despite the fact that India has accepted Tibet as part of China.

The Chinese have kept the border 'unsettled' so as to keep it as a ready excuse to intervene in the affairs of the Indian subcontinent. But there is a larger Chinese design at work here. 

It showed this intent in 1965 though not during the 1971 Indo-Pakistan conflict due to the erstwhile Soviet Union checkmating it on the Amur-Ussuri border.

Initially, the dispute was over the Aksai Chin area and the Chinese strategic road passing through it connecting Sinkiang with Tibet, a military necessity. Its claims over Arunachal Pradesh, initially at least, were seen as a bargaining chip.

It is noteworthy that the McMahon Line -- that China refuses to accept in Arunachal Pradesh -- has been accepted as the boundary with Myanmar. This clearly shows Chinese duplicity.
 When China talks about "securing Tibet", it means something very different than what the rest of the world considers to be "Tibet". They define Arunachal Pradesh as "South Tibet", and even include Bhutan as part of "Tibet".

Burma and Bhutan establish dipomatic ties...finally

From Bernama:
YANGON, Feb 15 (Bernama) -- Myanmar has established diplomatic ties with two more countries -- Malawi and Bhutan at ambassadorial level in the start of 2012, according to official sources from Nay Pyi Taw Wednesday.

Two joint communiques on the establishment were respectively signed between Myanmar's Ambassador and the High Commissioner of Malawi in New Delhi on Jan 30 and between Permanent Representative of Myanmar to the United Nations and his Bhutan counterpart in New York on Feb 1, Xinhua news agency reported.

The diplomatic establishment with Malawi and Bhutan has brought the total number of countries in the world with which Myanmar has such links to 105 and 106 since it regained independence in 1948.
Burma (now called Myanmar) and Bhutan are neighbours, and finally have diplomatic relations. 
Myanmar is strongly supported by China, who threatens to annex Bhutan.

Bolivia blames Chile for stalled coastal acces negotiations

From The Santiago Times:
Bolivian Deputy Foreign Minister Juan Carlos Alurralde expressed harsh sentiments toward Chilean President Sebastián Piñera on Wednesday, comparing him unfavorably to former President Michelle Bachelet. The same day, American actor Sean Penn called for Chile to show more “solidarity” toward its Andean neighbor while meeting with the Bolivian President Evo Morales.
-------
The main dispute between Chile and Bolivia has its origins in the 1879 war of the Pacific in which Bolivia lost its coastal territory to Chile, making it a landlocked country. Desperate for access to the sea, Morales made renegotiating maritime access with Chile a cornerstone of his foreign policy.

In 2006, Morales and Bachelet agreed on a 13-point working plan to determine bilateral policy between the two countries. One point was the Bolivian petition for access to the Pacific Ocean.

Shortly after his election in 2010, Piñera created a bilateral body to address this maritime demand, but the body last met in February 2011. Then in March 2011, Morales announced his intention to bring the dispute to the UN’s International Court of Justice (ICJ) at The Hague, due to the absence of “useful, feasible, and practical” solutions from the negotiations with Chile.
 After Bachelet left office, these negotiations stalled, with both sides waiting for the other to make the first move. Bachelet was seen as more sympathetic to the more-leftist Morales, but the office of President is term-limited in Chile. Piñera has little incentive to make Morales look good by moving these talks forward, and both sides see this as an issue of nationalism. Bolivia needs little more than a strip of land to construct a highway and rail line. Morales, for his part, stands little chance of prevailing in the ICJ over a war that was fought more than 130 years ago.

Ras Trax 2/18, Rasmussen polls the obvious

Today's Rasmussen daily tracker continues Scotty's furtive slide away from his 1/28/11 poll showing Obama losing to a generic Republican by six points. In fact, Obama now leads by eight points in Rasmussen's whimsical polling.
In a potential Election 2012 matchup, the president posts a 49% to 41% lead over Romney.  If Santorum is the Republican nominee, the president leads 48% to 40%.
That's a lead that is outside of the MoE. How does Rasmussen's "likely voter" survey show the President's approval? Let's see: 
Overall, 50% of voters say they at least somewhat approve of the president's job performance. Forty-nine percent (49%) at least somewhat disapprove. 
Of that 49% who disapprove, 40% is "strong disapproval". If this is a "likely voter" sample, why does "strong approval" matter? Obama clearly attracts 21% of likely voters over his 28% "strong approval" rating. Are Rasmussen's "likely voters" likely to vote or aren't they? 

Meanwhile, we continue to see the two Republican front-runners stuck with nothing more than Rasmussen's partisan angry base of 40% "strong disapproval" for Obama. Apparently, 9% of the "likely voters" in the country dislike Obama, but not enough to actually vote for one of the Republican candidates. That really says something about Rasmussen's narrative, doesn't it?

Once again, we see the Republican candidates stuck with numbers that are only 5 or 6% higher than Rasmussen's Party self-identification for Republicans. Meanwhile, Obama draws 15% more likely voters than the percentage that identify as Democrats in Rasmussen-land. 

But Rasmussen tells us that 46% of likely voters consider the Democratic Party agenda to be "extreme". It's very odd that the Republican candidates can't seem to pick up at least that 46%, isn't it? How could such an "extreme" candidate as Obama get 50% job approval if 46% consider him to be "extreme"? Something isn't adding up in Scotty's narrative machine.

In State polling, Rasmussen bravely sticks his neck out and tells the world that California just might go for Obama after all:
President Obama leads both Mitt Romney and Rick Santorum by more than 20 points in California, as nearly six-out-of-10 voters approve of the way he's handling his job.
 That's a big surprise, isn't it? I'm starting to think that Utah might go Republican, too. Of course, I'll hold off judgement until Rasmussen polls that State. Of all the States to poll, why CA?