War marches into India, Bhutan

India and China fought an ill-planned border war in 1962. Earlier this month, China moved large numbers of troops into the border area where India, China, and Bhutan meet (the tri-junction) for a "military exercise". Some reports indicate China is building roads and bridges inside Bhutan and violating Bhutan's territory. The region has seen a steady increase of Chinese influence over the past few years. In Nepal, Maoists launched a civil war against the monarchy and have achieved a power-sharing agreement. Armed separatist groups have carried out actions in India's Assam province, and move freely between Bhutan and Nepal. While not directly controlled by China, these groups are Maoist-oriented and China seems to take no action against them in their own territory.

China has persistently claimed the remote Indian province of Arunachal Pradesh as its own. It is an area devoid of of any resources, steeped in poverty, and dominated by the typical Indian bureaucracy. However, it is the gateway to Assam, which belongs to India but is virtually cut off from it. On the eastern side is China's nominal ally, Myanmar (Burma).

Last month, there were reports of Indian "bunkers" being destroyed by Chinese forces. In reality, these "bunkers' were fibreglass huts that were no longer in use. The Indian military went to great pains to downplay the incident, saying that it was unclear if these "bunkers" were in Chinese or Indian territory. The border, in this mountainous and remote area, apparently is not clearly delineated, and China does not recognise it, regardless.

Now India has moved 6000 troops from the disputed border with Pakistan (Jammu and Kashmir) to this remote area on the opposite side of the country. Nothing significant has changed on that front for a long time, though recent reports say that Pakistan has used the majority of its U.S. aid on the Global War On Terror (GWOT) for purchases of weaponry that could only be used for a war against India. The Indian military's attempts to downplay the significance of such a large troop movement seems suspicious of itself. One of the big lessons of the 1962 war was that mountain combat is very different from the kind of conflicts China and India were accustomed to. Troops easily fatigue in the high altitude, fires are hard to light and there is virtually no fuel laying about, it is very cold, and roads to bring in supplies are usually mere paths. A simple cotton tent is not adequate shelter and specialised equipment is needed. The troops that India is sending to the area are a specially-trained mountain division.

For India, the stakes are high, despite the attitude conveyed by the military. The Siliguiri Pass is the only land route to Assam within Indian territory. If China can create crude bases on the Plateau, they could potentially cut off Assam from India and leave it at the mercy of their proxies. Politically as well, many of the Indian Communist Parties within the Indian government look to China for inspiration and guidance.

Lost in all of this, of course, are the consequences for Bhutan. Bhutan is a nation that has lived, up until the past ten years, in the ancient past. The highly popular King J.S. Wangchuck stepped down last year and actually imposed democracy upon a reluctant populace. Televisions and satellite dishes are recent developments, and the Bhutanese have only quite recently been exposed to the Western world. What passes for the military is very small and very poorly armed, at a level of 6000 men under arms at best. The average policeman here is better equpped and trained than the best Bhutanese "soldier". Their best defence has been the terrain, the remoteness of their land, and the lack of any reason for anyone to invade them. Were it not for the need to chase Nepalese and Assamese militants from their camps within Bhutan, they would have no need for firearms whatsoever. Everything points to Bhutan becoming the new Tibet, however, with China serving as the "liberator" and "moderniser". India and Bhutan have security agreements, of course, but these are primarily along the lines of India not attacking Bhutan and Bhutan not allowing attacks on India. It is highly doubtful, to say the least, that India would go to war against China to defend Bhutan. Thus, another happy and peaceful civilisation is set up for demolition.

India moves over 6,000 troops to border with China

Agencies

Posted online: Thursday , December 13, 2007 at 12:00:00
Updated: Thursday , December 13, 2007 at 08:07:58
New Delhi, December 13: Army has moved more than 6,000 troops to Sino-Indian border close to tri-junction of India, Bhutan and China even as Army Chief Deepak Kapooor said reports of intrusions of Chinese forces in Bhutan was a ‘matter between the two countries’.
The movement of troops from Jammu and Kashmir has been termed by army officials as ‘routine move back of troops to their original locations’.
They said the forces being moved were all formations of Kalimpong-based 27 Mountain Division which had gone for counter-insurgency operations in Jammu and Kashmir in 2001.
Army sources said an entire brigade of the 27 division and an additional battalion had been moved back over a period of three to four months.
Asked whether the Indian Army was concerned over reported intrusions of Chinese army into Bhutan, Kapoor, speaking on the sidelines of an Army seminar, said it was a matter between Bhutan and China to sort out.
"It is a matter between Bhutan and China to resolve. So that is a issue at diplomatic level. I have nothing to say," he said .
The shifting of Army formations North of Nathu La comes against the backdrop of reports of Chinese troops coming close to a vital area is the only land link between North eastern states and the rest of India.
However, Army authorities brush this aside saying Chinese forces have been coming close to Dolam Plateau for over two decades as the boundary in the area is still to be defined
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The Indian Express[Tuesday, December 18, 2007 12:35]
The UPA government appears to have no will to craft a purposeful policy towards ChinaAlthough Chief of Army Staff General Deepak Kapoor makes light of his decision to shift nearly 6,000 troops to the trijunction of the India-Bhutan-China border, the disconcerting truth has been known for some time — that there is a new military restiveness on the Sino-Indian border. After relative peace for nearly two decades, Beijing’s more muscular policies on the frontier and the reluctance of the Indian political leadership to face up to the implications of China’s rapid rise as a great power are creating conditions for renewed mistrust. For nearly a decade now, China has purposefully upgraded its military and civilian infrastructure in Xinjiang and Tibet, the two provinces that border India. China is also extending its political and military influence south of the Himalayas by pushing new road and rail networks. The People’s Liberation Army’s vigorous patrol along the contested border has been matched by a vociferous diplomatic reaffirmation of China’s claim to the entire Arunachal Pradesh. The UPA government appears to have no will to craft a purposeful policy towards China. Defence Minister A.K. Antony seems to think his job is to make politically correct statements on China and Russia. Antony is well advised to leave that job to the Foreign Office and devise a longer-term response to the complete transformation of China’s strategic profile on South Asia’s borders. The China policy has traditionally been managed at the highest levels in the Indian government. But the UPA leadership — under political bondage to the communists, who make no bones about their loyalty to China — is busy simulating a bonhomie with Beijing. In contrast to this, the Vajpayee government had the gumption to confront China on the nuclear issue, flexibility to settle the dispute over Sikkim, and courage to initiate a bold negotiation on the boundary dispute. The UPA neither has the stomach to challenge China’s open campaign against the Indo-US nuclear deal nor the head to ramp up pressure on Beijing for an early and reasonable settlement of the boundary dispute. If the Congress party confuses China policy with coalition politics at home, the security institutions like the Armed Forces have no choice but to come up with separate responses of their own.