So much of the American media is consumed with hatred of Chavez. Oddly, they support the programme and actions of an American president who governs with less than 30% approval. Chavez governs with 60-70% approval. The recent uproar about the changes to the Venezuelan Constitution seem to gloss over one thing: these changes must be voted on by the citizens of Venezuela. It is strange that Republicans who seek to add Constitutional Amendments against abortion or flag desecration to our Constitution find the prospect of another nation amending their Constitution so frightening and dangerous. Of course, it's even stranger that Republicans feel free to allow the President to ignore so much of the Constitution, but that's another matter.
The media in Venezuela has been in the hands of the opposition for as long as Chavez has been in office. Of course, before Chavez took office, these people were not known as the "opposition", but they still reflected the will of Washington. Despite being labeled as a 'dictator", Chavez has put up with a continuous shrill and obviously treasonous media that no true dictator would have tolerated, even those that Bush loves. Would Bush allow the broadcast networks to call for his assassination, as the Venezuelan networks have? Would he allow our national networks to call for a foreign country to invade us, overthrow the elected government, and install a dictatorship that favoured a foreign government? Not bloody likely. Here in the U.S, the Republicans and their media outlet, Fox News, have accused those who merely criticise the President out loud as guilty of treason and acting as if they "hate America". Others, such as Ann Coulter, have gone so far as to dismiss the entire Democratic Party as traitors, and reminded us that treason is a capital offence.
So, when the Bush Administration sponsored the brief overthrow of Chavez in 2002, did their puppet move to establish democracy? No. Hell, no. The new, pro-U.S. usurpers announced the Carmona Decree, which dissolved the National Assembly and Supreme Court, created an unelected "advisory council" to act as Cabinet, replaced the National Electoral Council with their cronies, and allowed the new president to replace all state, local and national office-holders with their own unelected stooges. 400 politicians signed the Decree, most of whom now claim they were 'tricked". They cast aside their own Constitution. The Bush Administration quickly recognised the new government, but was forced to denounce it as they were just as quickly put down without a shot being fired.
Prior to Chavez, elections in Venezuela were "managed" by the Punto Fijo accords, which let the two main parties alternate in power while locking out all others. This is "democracy"?
In election after election, the pro-U.S. "opposition" was defeated by wide margins. Somehow this is proof that Chavez was an unpopular dictator. The media is in the hands of the wealthy elite, which is the "opposition". Before Chavez, this elite was educated in the U.S. at taxpayer expense, and upon their return were moved into cushy, highly-paid positions in the petroleum industry or government by the equivalent of the Old Boy Network. Refusing to accept defeat, they staged a strike within the oil industry demanding that Chavez step down. Can you imagine what would happen here in the U.S. if a union demanded that Bush step down in order to end a strike? The strikers were replaced, and these elites lost their cushy jobs when the strike failed, which is further "proof" that Chavez is a dictator somehow. They gambled and lost but, much like Bush, they were unprepared to accept such a situation. So they called on the Decider to overthrow Chavez and restore their positions. Since the oil still flowed, Bush declined.
Chavez is often a crude loudmouth, and is a soldier rather than a politician or diplomat. But he is not a dictator. Fifty years of following the the U.S. script had done nothing for the Venezuelan people, so it is fair to say that we blew our chance. Chavez has instituted free education and a strong co-op movement. This "dictator" is lowering the voting age to 16. Chavez can be voted out of office, but the has no term limits under the proposed reforms. That is not a "President for life" scenario.
Will it be difficult for the opposition, signatories to the Carmona Decree, to turn back the clock and force the vast majority of the population to go back to bleak poverty and a life without civil rights? Yes. Simply because a political party espouses an unpopular agenda and fails to get elected is not proof of "dictatorship". I know and understand the the American media and Bush Administration in particular thinks that democracy automatically yields pro-American administrations, but this has been proven wrong.
Venezuela: Still A Democracy
On 2 December Venezuelans will vote on a number of amendments to their constitution. Generally speaking the proposals have been portrayed in the media as the next step on the road to dictatorship.
That's because the mainstream media generally abandons quaint notions of balance and objectivity when reporting on Venezuela. Curiously, this often extends to left-of-centre newspapers not known to slavishly follow the Bush administration's lead when reporting on other oil states where regime change is either sought, Iran, or in process, Iraq.
The biggest fuss this time seems to be the amendment that would abolish term limits for the presidency.
Perhaps it is because I am from Chicago, and had only one mayor from the time I was born until I graduated college, that I am unable to see this as the making of a dictatorship.
Not to mention that if Hillary Clinton is elected next year, we will have Bushes and Clintons as heads of state for a full consecutive 24 years, and possibly 28.
President Lula da Silva of Brazil defended Venezuela last week, asking why "people did not complain when Margaret Thatcher spent so many years in power". He added: "You can invent anything you want to criticise Chavez, but not for lack of democracy." Lula has repeatedly defended Venezuela's government as democratic, but these comments are never reported in the English language media.
Chavez is also castigated for proposing to get rid of the independence of the Central Bank, which is inscribed in the 1999 constitution. This is portrayed as just another "power grab." However, there are sound economic reasons for this amendment.
Central Banks that are not accountable to their elected governments are not altogether "independent" but tend to represent the interests of the financial sector. In the trade-off between growth and employment versus inflation, the financial sector will always opt for lower inflation, even if it means stagnation and unemployment.
The increasing independence of central banks, and the resultant overly-tight monetary policy is very likely one of the main reasons for the unprecedented long-term growth failure in Latin America over the last quarter-century.
There is also an amendment that would provide Social Security pensions to workers in the informal sector, which would be a major anti-poverty measure, given that this includes about 41 percent of the labour force.
Another would reduce the working week to 36 hours. This is being reported in the media as a 6-hour day, but more likely it will be interpreted as four eight-hour days plus four hours on Friday.
There are also amendments that would ban discrimination based on sexual orientation or physical health; provide for gender parity for political parties; guarantee free university education; make it more difficult for homeowners to lose their homes during bankruptcy. It is hard to argue that these are punishing or repressive measures.
Another amendment would reverse the 1999 constitutional provision protecting intellectual property. This would not abolish patents or copyrights but would allow more flexibility for the government in addressing the enormous economic inefficiencies caused by state-protected monopolies, e.g. in areas such as patented pharmaceutical drugs. This is difficult to argue against on economic grounds.
There are other amendments that are more controversial, most of them added not by Chavez but by the National Assembly (Chavez cannot veto amendments added by the Assembly; these have to go to the voters).
For example, one amendment would allow the government to suspend the "right to information" (but not due process, as reported in the international media) during a state of national emergency. Another would allow the President and the National Assembly to create new federal districts and provinces.
Some of these provisions have drawn opposition even among Chavez's supporters. If they are approved, it will likely be because the majority of voters trust Chavez and the government not to abuse their powers.
And there is some basis for this trust: the National Assembly earlier this year gave Chavez the power, for 18 months, to enact certain legislation by executive order. The pundits screamed about Chavez "ruling by decree," but in fact this power has not been used much at all, except in dealings with foreign corporations.
In any case, the voters will decide, with a far stronger opposition media than exists in the United States proselytising against the government. Venezuelans have not lost civil liberties the way people in the U.S. (or even the UK) have in recent years, and ordinary citizens continue to have more say in their government, and share more in its oil wealth, than ever before. It is doubtful that the referendum will reverse these changes, regardless of the outcome.
Mark Weisbrot is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, D.C. He received his Ph.D. in economics from the University of Michigan and has written numerous research papers on economic policy.
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